1 10 9 http://baltimoreuprising2015.org/files/original/6313edd529da8576022091f226a47b0c.pdf 70f25188305614ae55f29b403b596f56 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Oral History Toolkit Subject The topic of the resource Oral History interviews Description An account of the resource This collection is a toolkit of resources intended for anyone wishing to conduct oral history interviews to be contributed to Preserve the Baltimore Uprising archive project. These materials should be viewed as suggested resources or guidelines. The Preserve the Baltimore Uprising archive project requests that consent forms always be used when conducting oral histories. Any interviewee younger than 18 years of age must have a consent form signed by a parent or legal guardian. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available MdHS Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 02/16/2017 Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Southern Oral History Program, Josh Davis, Joe Tropea Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource The Southern Oral History Program at University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Notes on Interviewing Subject The topic of the resource Performance Description An account of the resource A quick read containing suggestions worth considering before, during, and after conducting an oral history interview. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available MdHS Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 02/16/2017 Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource The Southern Oral History Program at University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. interview oral history toolkit http://baltimoreuprising2015.org/files/original/aad7e5dcced87bf5ac86452aae1fca1c.pdf bc93835dea915683e0805de2cd4e1262 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Oral History Toolkit Subject The topic of the resource Oral History interviews Description An account of the resource This collection is a toolkit of resources intended for anyone wishing to conduct oral history interviews to be contributed to Preserve the Baltimore Uprising archive project. These materials should be viewed as suggested resources or guidelines. The Preserve the Baltimore Uprising archive project requests that consent forms always be used when conducting oral histories. Any interviewee younger than 18 years of age must have a consent form signed by a parent or legal guardian. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available MdHS Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 02/16/2017 Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Southern Oral History Program, Josh Davis, Joe Tropea Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource The Southern Oral History Program at University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Ten Tips for Interviewers Subject The topic of the resource Performance Description An account of the resource Ten tips for interviewers conducting oral history. This comes with an added bonus of sound recording tips from NPR. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available MdHS Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 02/16/2017 Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource The Southern Oral History Program at University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. interview oral history toolkit http://baltimoreuprising2015.org/files/original/87cd05413dd0391c368e6244123bd381.pdf d396ac4cebb807238aa5468acf87309a Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Oral History Toolkit Subject The topic of the resource Oral History interviews Description An account of the resource This collection is a toolkit of resources intended for anyone wishing to conduct oral history interviews to be contributed to Preserve the Baltimore Uprising archive project. These materials should be viewed as suggested resources or guidelines. The Preserve the Baltimore Uprising archive project requests that consent forms always be used when conducting oral histories. Any interviewee younger than 18 years of age must have a consent form signed by a parent or legal guardian. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available MdHS Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 02/16/2017 Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Southern Oral History Program, Josh Davis, Joe Tropea Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource The Southern Oral History Program at University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Oral History Interview Consent Form Subject The topic of the resource Performance Description An account of the resource Use this form to document a participant's consent to participate in your interview. Please have your subject (the interviewee) print and sign their name and fill in the date on page 2. This form should be uploaded (as a PDF) along with audio and transcript of the interview. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available MdHS Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 02/16/2017 Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource PDF consent form interview oral history toolkit http://baltimoreuprising2015.org/files/original/a710364b6fd0e0be92eae43ea3ba709b.pdf 8f61d8f4d4ee36fdc8f6d4c74470a60f PDF Text Text �With my daughter in downtown Baltimore. Police in riot gear in the background ����������������������������� Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document In July I was invited to speak about the #BaltimoreUprising at the Duke Summer Institute for Reconciliation. My presentation focused on “Why We Cry, How We Cry and Who Can Cry?” in response to state violence. “Why We Cry” dealt with the systemic and structural violence in Baltimore City—the years of neglect, disinvestment and underdevelopment. “How We Cry (The Uprising)” addressed the community’s response to state violence and systemic and structural violence. And finally, “Who Can Cry?” raised the question of whether certain groups are allowed to express their pain publicly. Do blacks or the most marginalized in our society have the right to express frustration, anger, and outrage? Do they have the right, even, to be violent?” These complex questions arise from a seemingly unending stream of difficult facts in America. From Trayvon Martin to Freddie Gray, the world has watched interactions between unarmed African Americans and law enforcement end in the death of black bodies. In a study entitled “Operation Ghetto Storm,” the Malcolm X Grassroots Movement found that at least 313 African Americans were killed by police, security guards, and self-appointed vigilantes in 2012. The group’s research found that one black person was killed in an extrajudicial shooting every 28 hours. The Counted, a project by the Guardian newspaper documenting the number of people killed by police and other law enforcement agencies in the United States, has shown that as of November 1, 2015, some 957 people have been killed by the police in the United States. This past June, the Guardian published an article entitled “Black Americans killed by police are twice as likely to be unarmed as white people.” According to the piece, “32% of black people killed by police in 2015 were unarmed, as were 25% of Hispanic and Latino people, compared with 15% of white people killed.” In response to these brutal facts, the national media in the United States have concentrated on How We Cry—on the anguish of African American family members, friends, and communities in the aftermath of wave upon wave of violence. But the Rev. Heber Brown, III, co-founder of Baltimore United for Change, has reminded us to “Be wary of those who are more concerned with the expression of your pain than the condition of your suffering.” To wit, one recent video by Brave New Films points to media bias between white rioters and black protesters, illustrating the ways in which blacks are often portrayed as violent. After the death of Freddie Gray at the hands of Baltimore City Police, I joined with other grassroots activists in Baltimore to form Baltimore United for Change (#BmoreUnited), a coalition made up of social action groups, faith-based organizations, and concerned citizens working for justice in Baltimore City. We organized peaceful protests and held numerous nonviolent civil disobedience trainings for the community. But even peaceful protests by African Americans can be viewed negatively by whites. “Most white Americans generally believe that protests are good for the country, but they hold significant reservations about protests led by African Americans,” explained Dr. Robert P. Jones, CEO of Public Religion Research Institute (PRRI). In a recent survey, PRRI found that “two-thirds (67%) of white Americans agree that Americans protesting government mistreatment always leave the country better off. But fewer than half (48%) of whites say the same when asked about black Americans speaking out against and protesting unfair treatment by the government.” And whites aren’t alone in this perspective. In a press conference about the Baltimore Uprisings, President Obama referred to “looters” as “thugs and criminals.” Though he addressed some of the systemic and structural issues that plague Baltimore, he also said that there was no excuse for the violence. Afterward, local leaders—particularly clergy—were bombarded with questions and asked to condemn the broken windows and looting. I find it particularly curious that whenever the state is violent toward the Black community, and the community mobilizes in response to that violence, the media begin to focus upon individuals I call “Preacher Pacifiers.” So often, members of the clergy who have been the most silent concerning state violence are tasked with bringing calm and peace to their communities–with restoring things back to “normal.” Unfortunately, in some instances, these Preacher Pacifiers “treat the wound of my people carelessly, saying, ‘Peace, peace,’ when there is no peace” (Jeremiah 6:14). They ask for peace without addressing the root causes of its disruption. For that reason, The Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. took on Preacher Pacifiers in a 1968 speech (“The Other America”), when he insisted, “It is not enough for me to stand before you tonight and condemn riots. It would be morally irresponsible for me to do that without, at the same time, condemning the contingent, intolerable conditions that exist in our society.” It’s interesting. Less than a week before President Obama contended that “there was no excuse for the violence in Baltimore,” an April New York Times article quoted him as saying, in defense of his military drone strikes, “Let’s kill the people who are trying to kill us.” Similarly, when Israel led a 51-day military offensive in the summer of 2014 that resulted in the deaths of over 2,300 Palestinians, Obama claimed that Israel had “a right to defend itself.” In response, Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist Chris Hedges argued that “We are deeply complicit in the slaughter that is being unleashed by the Israeli military against a defenseless population, a population that has no air force, no navy, no command-and-control, no mechanized units, no heavy artillery, and certainly no air force.” Given the situation in Israel, we can see that extrajudicial killings in which the state serves as judge, jury and executioner of black and brown people are not simply a domestic issue. Since 2004 the US has conducted over 400 drone strikes, killing more than 2,400 civilians in Pakistan. Three hundred seventy of the strikes have been conducted under the Obama administration, and it is estimated those particular attacks have injured up to 1,700 citizens and killed as many as 1,000 more—including 200 children. Despite such high casualty rates and uncertainty regarding targets, two-thirds of Americans support the use of targeted killing. Even though Black Christian leaders are often called upon to condemn local grassroots uprisings that arise in response to state violence, they are rarely asked to condemn violence perpetrated by the state itself, domestically or abroad. Apparently, America isn’t all that interested in what Black preachers think about foreign policy; their role is not to mettle in foreign affairs. That said, keeping peace is a pressing domestic issue—and that’s why Black preachers are expected to serve as a buffer between the violent state and the increasingly frustrated Black community. At the end of the day, it seems as though only some lives are worth defending—and as though only select groups of individuals are allowed to be violent in taking up that defense. But whom, exactly, should be granted the right to exercise violence while defending lives, families, and communities? That is not a legal question; it has more to do with moral consistency. And, to be clear: my purpose in raising this question is not to advocate for violence among those in social movements, but rather to demand a more critical appraisal of who has the right to be violent, and how we view violence. According to the Pew Research Center, the 114th Congress is overwhelmingly white, male, and Christian; 92% of Congress members identify with that particular faith tradition. This very white, male and Christian Congress has supported preemptive war, drones, torture, the aggression of Israel, and policies that bolster the sort of structural violence in urban communities that disproportionately affects Blacks. Despite the media representations of out-of-control Black looters and protestors, the verifiable facts tell a very different story about the sources, practices, and privileges of violence in America. America was founded on violence, and I suppose it will continue to be violent. As we continue to tweet Black death—as Black bodies are gunned down by the hands of the state with what should be (but alas is not) a wrenching regularity—is there a moral response to state-sponsored terror beyond nonviolent civil disobedience? Is violence only an option for the powerful, white, and Christian? Who gets to decide when violence is acceptable, moral, and even Christian? Who gets to decide that a brick in Baltimore is more violent than—just this week—a police officer’s gun in Louisiana, or, for that matter, a drone in Pakistan? Before we get down to sorting out how to reduce violence, I am suggesting that we must tackle a far more difficult question: Who, exactly, has the right to be violent? http://kineticslive.com/2015/12/17/who-has-the-right-to-be-violent/ Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Who Has The Right to Be Violent? Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Jamye Wooten Subject The topic of the resource Law Enforcement Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource The Uprising Description An account of the resource moral questions on violence. Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document "Our City" -- A Letter to My Undergraduate Students Prof. Elizabeth Kennedy, Law and Social Responsibility, composed morning of April 28, 2015 (I've been receiving requests from my students to share this with a greater audience. Note that the following email does not represent all, or even a good deal of all the thoughts I have about what is happening in my city right now, nor what I think is necessary for real, systemic change. It was written for my undergraduate students because although classes ended at Loyola yesterday, I wanted to continue the conversation we'd had about justice all semester.) Good morning, all. I'm writing because I have been thinking about you all, and many of our class discussions this semester, as they relate to our City right now. I imagine many of your parents and friends have been reaching out to you to check in, and are asking you about what they were seeing in the streets of Baltimore, as covered wall-to-wall by the national news networks. I live, as my colleague Brian Norman put it, "radically adjacent" to the neighborhood in which Freddie Gray lived, and in which much of the damage occurred last night. Though physically proximate, there is an incomprehensible chasm between the life I lead, and the relationship I have with Baltimore City, from those in Sandtown, Penn-North, and all of West (and many other parts of) Baltimore. Like many of you I am sure, I received many notes from family and friends yesterday to "stay safe." However, what that means for me and what that means for my neighbors just blocks away are so different. Violence in these neighborhoods is a constant. Harassment by the police is constant. Being treated not worthy of protection by police is constant. A lack of jobs and adequate housing is constant. Fear is constant. Uncertainty is constant. Crumbling schools are constant. I cannot begin to truly understand what life is like for my "radically adjacent" neighbors. But I can try. I must try. In the Jesuit traditions of presence, reflection and discernment, it is only by spending time outside the safety of my own neighborhood -- whether that is a residential neighborhood, an educational neighborhood, a professional neighborhood -- that I can begin to understand. It is why I teach courses designed to push us all outside of our comfort zones. It is why I send my kids to our local public school. It is why I spent yesterday afternoon talking with residents and store owners up and down Pennsylvania Avenue, until they began shuttering their doors, bracing for more uncertainty. I am heading over to Pennsylvania Avenue with the kids shortly to help clean up. I am happy to talk with any of you about what is going on, and answer any questions as best I can. I'd also direct you to the following Baltimore Sun editorial in order to gain a better context about why so many folks in Baltimore City would feel as angry as they do right now: http://www.baltimoresun.com/news/opinion/editorial/bs-ed-freddie-gray-20150425-story.html Some of you are natives of Baltimore, some of you call it home now, and some, I hope, will continue to call it home after you graduate. If you have learned anything about Baltimore City by now, it is that it is a city of contrasts, of wealthy and attractive playgrounds like Camden Yards and the Inner Harbor, as well as some of the largest concentrations of poverty in this country. You all asked many good questions all semester about justice, especially as it relates to the role that our legal system plays in ensuring that those subjected to injustice can be made whole. Last night was a powerful reminder that when the legal system itself, and those charged with enforcing laws, are themselves sources of injustice, the pain and suffering usually kept well hidden behind walls of a highly segregated city, is made visible to all. I hope you will continue to ask good questions, instead of jumping to judgment. We as a city, and as a Loyola community, must continue to ask these questions, recognize that which we do not understand, and take critical steps toward understanding and action. All the best, Prof. Kennedy Added later that afternoon on April 28 during Facebook discussion: For those following along, I had many conversations with students last night, many of whom expressed reactions to yesterdays clean-ups along the line of, "That's the Baltimore I know and love," or about Monday night, "That's not the Baltimore I know and love." I asked them to consider what those statements, though entirely well-meaning, said about the experience/lives of marginalized folks, who also "know and love Baltimore." To say that the anger and frustration of young people in neighborhoods like Sandtown, where life expectancy is the lowest -- on par with India and much lower than the U.S. -- is "not Baltimore" is to once again deny, turn away from, and discount their lives. Just because it is not the Baltimore that you know, doesn't make it any less Baltimore. How we choose to express what we all should be feeling in Baltimore right now - anger, sadness, frustration, does not define or diminish the motivations for those expressions. Yes, yesterdays cleanups were an awesome example of how great people can be when we come together, cross neighborhood boundaries, and help one another out. To love Baltimore, as I do and as so many of my students do, is to get to know ALL of Baltimore. http://health.baltimorecity.gov/.../Life-expectancy-2013.pdf Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource "Our City" -- A Letter to My Undergraduate Students Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Elizabeth Kennedy Subject The topic of the resource Demonstration / event Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource April 28, 2015 Description An account of the resource Written as am email by a local professor the morning after the Monday night protests to her undergraduate students at Loyola University Maryland. Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Text Any textual data included in the document In the seven years I’ve called Baltimore home, I have never seen a more widespread outpouring of love and support than I’ve witnessed this week. Thousands of people came out of their homes on Tuesday morning to clean, to green, to feed. They crossed boundaries and danced together, sang together, prayed together, protested together. Rather than wait for some official call to action, as my friend Mary so accurately described in her piece in in the CS Monitor, “Baltimore just did it.” Many who live in and love our city declared,“THIS is the Baltimore I know,” or “This is the REAL Baltimore,” in contrast to Monday night, which was not the Baltimore they knew, and either explicitly or implicitly, not the “real” Baltimore. Coming together to clean up, or play music, or peacefully march IS Baltimore. And it is beautiful. It is another reason I love this city. But Monday night was Baltimore too. Creative people collaborating to express their frustration, sadness and hope through public art and musical performances? That’s Baltimore. Young people expressing justifiable rage and anger against persistent police brutality, poverty, community disinvestment and political disfranchisement? That is Baltimore too. Neighbors sitting on stoops, faith communities uniting to meet citywide needs, young people organizing a movement for change that is, as my friend Laura describes hopefully, “smart, unapologetic and strategic”? That is Baltimore. But the criminalization of black children, and the systematic use of brute police force on Monday night to set them up instead of embrace and engage? That was Baltimore too. To declare that the anger, frustration and rage of young people in neighborhoods like Sandtown is “not Baltimore,” is to once again deny, turn away from, and discount the lives and lived experiences of so many who also call Baltimore home. Baltimore is my city, a city I love, which has embraced me as a relative newcomer. My husband and I are raising three kids here and sleep easy knowing they will be safe, engaged, inspired, educated, and loved. But just down the street, another parent fears her own child may “be the next Freddie Gray.” Baltimore is that mother’s city, too. Maybe living in Baltimore has never meant wanting to throw a rock at a police officer, or smash a store window. Maybe you’ve never felt crushed by living in a neighborhood where more fathers, sons and brothers than any other in a wealthy state are sent to prison. Maybe you could never imagine destroying your own block, because yours is a neighborhood of choice, not one you feel you must burn down in order to escape. But that doesn't make it not Baltimore. And if that is not your experience in Baltimore, as it is certainly not mine, our response cannot solely be to create more of what YOU love about Baltimore (but please, keep doing that too). If you did not recognize the anger and rage expressed in the streets of our city Monday night, ask yourself why? And then, how – how to better know this city we love, all the parts of it. We cannot simply cut and paste the parts of Baltimore we like and call the edited version, "real." Right now many are wishing for peace in Baltimore. But for Baltimore to become a city that is Tuesday morning for all, not Monday night for many, we need justice, we need justice. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Monday Night was Baltimore, Too Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Elizabeth Kennedy Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource April 30, 2015 Description An account of the resource Written contemporaneously in response to the comments of many in the days immediately following the uprising. http://baltimoreuprising2015.org/files/original/e778a5620bafca5666d61d703ec4fb39.pdf 9d3a113e15dc67c0a87656081cb0936b PDF Text Text BALTIMORE RIOTS History Final The Baltimore Riots Rise Again Gwenaviere Reaves History 112 Professor J. Davis May 17, 2015 1 �BALTIMORE RIOTS 2 For a few weeks in April 2015 the city was in an uproar. The people young and old were rioting, looting and burning down their own city. The first thoughts of these incidents were memories of the riots of 1968. So much of what occurred was very similar even down to the month in which it all took place. In April 1968 the riots were in response to the assassination of a very popular leader during the Civil Rights Movement named Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. and recently in April 2015 all this commotion erupted after the death of a young African American man named Freddie Gray. There were assumptions, made by the media and other sources, that police brutality was the cause of Freddie Gray’s death while in police custody. Those nights in April 2015, after the news of his death, the people started out protesting peacefully; however, it all evolved into violence and destruction of our great city. This report will give us different perspectives including results from three different interviews conducted with current citizens of Baltimore City. From these perspectives we will gain knowledge on how the recent riots compare to those of 1968, what kind of relationship the police have with the public and what kind of response could have protected our city. Conducting interviews was a great opportunity to learn the firsthand experience from other Baltimore City residence, other than the agitators and the media, who had some type of involvement in the recent riots. During the three interviews that were performed it was recognized that according to the age, background and knowledge of the interviewee, the impact of their personal feelings and their responses from these incidents was associated properly. The first interview was held the morning of May 11, 2015 in the University of Baltimore’s library with Mr. Clyde E. Boatwright. Mr. Boatwright grew up and also worked in the Sandtown, Winchester area of Baltimore city where the recent rioting and looting initiated. �BALTIMORE RIOTS 3 He is the Fraternal Order of Police President for Lodge #5 for Baltimore School police. Mr. Boatwright believes that people used the recent riots as an opportunity to express their personal beliefs and economic pain. The second interview was held the morning of May 12, 2015 at Baltimore City Hall in the office of President Councilman Bernard “Jack” Young. Councilman Young also grew up in Baltimore City and he is heavily involved with youth programs in the community. He showed a great interest in creating better relationships between the community and the police. The third and final interview was held the evening of May 12, 2015 in the University of Baltimore’s library with Mr. Ralph E Johnson Jr.. Mr. Johnson another native of Baltimore City is a writer and publisher. He was an active participant of the peaceful protest that took place to better community relations. All three interviews were a very enlightening experience as each of them shared their heartfelt feelings of how the riots affected our city/communities. Each interviewee also offered various suggestions on how the communities and their relationships with our leadership could be strengthen. The order of events was repeated in 2015 just as the pattern in 1968. According to Badger (2015) there was a funeral, protest, violence, curfews and cancelled ballgames. How ironic that history repeated itself in the shadow of those painful moments. Boatwright (2015) stated in his interview that from what he had heard of the 1968 riots, he felt that both incidents had similar effects. Badger (2015) goes on to say that each of those incidents brought a great shock amongst the Baltimoreans, as also expressed by Young (2015). The capacity for recovery of the low-income urban black communities was diminished. Young (2015) stated that the riots of 1968 were very massive and they left a lot of damage and even a tremendous loss of businesses that unfortunately never recovered. Peter Levy (2013) noted that in the magnitude of �BALTIMORE RIOTS 4 the 1968 riots fifty-four cities in thirty-six states suffered great lose from looting, arson and sniper fire. Councilman Young (2015) also believes that the riots of 1968 have no comparison to what we encountered in April 2015; on the other hand Mr. Johnson feels that the 2015 riots were a little different because in 1968 our resources and education was not as powerful as what we have today. Councilman Young added that he feels that deploying the National Guard just as they did in 1968 along with other state agencies was a great contribution in getting control of our recent riots. The police will always be an intricate part of our society, therefore the public needs to build better relationships with them to create new and improved community relations. According to Johnson (2015), if you do not have a positive relationship with the police you are on the brink of civil disorder. He adds that the culture of thinking in Baltimore has been “Them against Us” for a long time. Boatwright (2015) said that from what he remembers as a child growing up, there has always been a division between the police and the community. As a youth they did not like to police but they respected them. Boatwright (2015) also states that they had a mutual respect and the understanding that if someone broke the law, the police officer would bring them to justice. When speaking to Young (2015) he suggests that in order to help build the community trust with the police department we need to go back to community policing on foot patrol. Young (2015) did add that overall we still have a lot of good police on the force, we just need to weed out the bad seeds. It’s no secret that the neighborhoods that were tragically affected during these riots are poverty stricken and have a low education rate. Badger (2015) agreed that poverty and a lack of strong education is a major cause of our citywide crisis. Johnson (2015) and Young (2015) both mentioned several neighborhood programs that included the Police Athletic League and the �BALTIMORE RIOTS 5 Officer Friendly program as being beneficial to keeping our youth occupied in the past. According to Young (2015), these programs were educational and influential to our youth. The closing of these neighborhood programs could have caused additional fuel to the constituent’s anger. Education is a vital part of our youth’s growth and engaging in recreational activities could possibly help to release that anger. In addition to recreating youth programs, there were several things mentioned that could have protected our city from the riots. Boatwright (2015) feels strongly that to prevent the riots they should not have publicized it but dealt with the real issues; therefore the results could have been contained much better. Councilman Young (2015) suggests that there could have been a better plan of coordination by the school system, including parents and other government agencies to alleviate the initial riots. Johnson (2015) added that our leadership should make their presence in the neighborhoods more frequently and not only when it’s election time. In conclusion, there were three points expressed. There was a comparison of recent riots versus those of 1968, the relationship between the police and the public was viewed as a continued issue and it was felt that the riots could have been avoided if our community had some relationship improvements on a political and law enforcement level. The root of the 1968 riots took place because of the assassination of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. but there were other issues as stated by Badger (2015) like higher rates of poverty and lack of education. The riots of 2015 used the death of Freddie Gray as a weapon to initiate the protest and an opportunity to solicit for justice but instead that continued anger was expressed in the wrong way. Our society is still suffering from years of frustration and historical oppression (Johnson, 2015). Boatwright (2015) says he thinks that this outrage was an opportunity for people (professional protestors) to force their agenda on others. �BALTIMORE RIOTS 6 An ongoing issue for many years has been the relationship between the police and the public which still needs to improve to address some major historical issues. Young (2015) stated that the public tries to give the police a black eye but they just need to remove the bad apples from the force. As far as protecting our city we have some work to do as Young (2015) expressed. He also added that the political leaders, law enforcement and government agencies need to work closer together to recreate youth programs in the communities to influence and educate youth in a more positive manner. History has repeated itself and we still need economical relief to be able to move forward and work together to strengthen our communities. �BALTIMORE RIOTS 7 References Peter B. Levy, “The Dream Deferred: The Assassination of Martin Luther King, Jr., and the Holy Week Uprisings of 1968” in Baltimore ’68 -- “The Long, Painful and Repetitive History of How Baltimore Became Baltimore,” http://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/wonkblog/wp/2015/04/29/the-long-painful-andrepetitive-history-of-how-baltimore-became-baltimore/?tid=sm_fb Boatwright, C. (2015, May 11). Personal interview. Johnson, R. (2015, May 12). Personal interview. Young, B. (2015, May 12). Personal interview. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource University of Baltimore Oral History Collection Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Joshua Davis Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Original Format The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data Paper Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Walker, The Baltimore Riots.pdf Description An account of the resource University of Baltimore student Gwenaviere Reaves-Walker wrote a paper for her history professor Joshua Davis regarding her oral history interviews with Clyde E. Boatwright, Fraternal Order of Police President for Lodge #5 for Baltimore School police, President Councilman Bernard "Jack" Young, and writer and protestor Ralph E. Johnson Jr. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Joshua Davis Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Joshua Davis Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource May 17, 2015 Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Gwenaviere Reaves-Walker Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource pdf interview law enforcement oral history police protest university of baltimore http://baltimoreuprising2015.org/files/original/8565afadbb725663f00a9386f449eaf0.pdf 2da290bf406f922de8585571893b61e8 PDF Text Text An analysis of the situations revolving the death and murder of Freddie Gray by Baltimore City police officers from the perspective of my father, Leo Coleman, in comparison to the Riots of ’68. Why Are They So Mad? An interview by Aaron Leonard Coleman. HIST112.001 Aaron Coleman �HIST 112.001 Oral History Assignment Baltimore Riots Aaron Leonard Coleman May 17, 2015 Baltimore Riots On the evening of April 12, 2015, Freddie Gray was arrested on unclear gun charges. He was taken into custody and thrown in the back of what locals call a “Patty Wagon” (pretty much a police van which is capable of securing multiple persons after arrest). The van made multiple stops on its way to the precinct, and upon arriving to the precinct Freddie Gray was unresponsive. Viral video of the actual arrest showed Freddie Gray being apprehended by three officers, not resisting with force, but screaming. He was being held down, then you see three officers escorting Gray to the Patty Wagon appearing to be struggling with a broken leg. The officers made multiple stops before Gray was taken to the precinct and at each stop the officers failed to medically assist him. When they’d gotten to the precinct, Gray was reported unresponsive with a partially severed spinal injury and a broken leg. He was reportedly in a coma and had to be taken to the University of Maryland Shock Trauma Center. He died a week later suffering from blunt force trauma to his spinal cord. Time and time again almost consistently after the murder of Trayvon Martin in 2012, and the acquittal from second-degree murder charges of George Zimmerman, who wasn’t even officer if I might ass, in 2013, the world has seen countless cases of young black men and women murdered by officers without conviction. The unrest seen in Baltimore from April 25 th and beyond, was a reaction to that. Some representations of protest were seen peacefully with hundreds of people marching through the streets of Baltimore, then April 27 th happened. Roughly around 10 a.m. on the morning of April 27th, message circled around social media that members of rival gangs would be coming together to target police and kill them. Surely the police had gotten this information just as soon as the general public received it if not sooner. The way they prepared for this occurrence only made the following events of the day much more intense. Police officers and squad cars from other neighboring cities and counties of Maryland were called for assistance in meeting this potential force from rival gangs. The area in which �HIST 112.001 Aaron Leonard Coleman Oral History Assignment May 17, 2015 Baltimore Riots the majority of officers were positioned affected neighboring high school kids from getting home by means of public transportation due to the fact that buses weren’t running because of this. As those kids had gotten out of school they practically had nowhere to go and then the tension began. From Mondawmin Mall to North and Pennsylvania avenue kids were throwing things at the officers and gradually began trashing property like neighborhood mom and pop shops and local convenient store CVS. As the day continued into night, malls across the city and been broken into and the city was practically on fire by the end of day. “Rioting is the voice of the unheard” – Martin Luther King Jr., was a caption that could be seen as CNN reported while interviewing different individuals from the community. The violence and looting was something that many individuals from the neighboring communities took kind to. Week long, people were found to be saying that violence is not the answer that it was complete outrage and was destroying the image of the peaceful displays of protest that had been put together prior to the rioting. Baltimore had now had the world at attention, has CNN committed almost all of their air time to covering Baltimore the days following, allotting only the rest to the catastrophe in Nepal were over 8,200 people died due to a 7.8 magnitude earthquake on April 25th. A lot of the focus after the rioting was on rebuilding the city and about teaching the youth of Baltimore how to peacefully protest. The question was why? Why on the exact same day as the funeral of Freddie Gray had the public reacted like this? What would the older generation teach the younger generation about protesting? Why were they so angry? The quotation I used earlier in the paper from Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., was all the more fitting for CNN to use that day. Baltimore hadn’t seen demonstration like that since the 68’ Riots after King had been assassinated. Much like the riots back then people acted in outrage for not only one occurrence but a multitude of problems that plagued the black communities concerning civil rights at that time. In ’68 the voice of millions of unheard across American so to speak was silenced. Today the youth of �HIST 112.001 Aaron Leonard Coleman Oral History Assignment May 17, 2015 Baltimore Riots Baltimore, or the country moreover, doesn’t have a voice to speak for them and Freddie Gray wasn’t that voice he had become a part of the unjust bubble that has been growing for years in African American communities. That bubble burst in Baltimore on April 27th. People living in low-income households in run down neighborhoods, with high crime-rates and poor interactions between themselves and the officers that are here to protect and serve, all came together that day and let out its wrath in a very prolific way. When deciding who I should interview quite a few qualifications came about. I knew that talking to a youth involved in rioting, that would be close to my age, might not result in a good quality interview that would provide substantial content for my paper. I also knew that individual wouldn’t incriminate themselves to a complete stranger attesting to the fact that they had been involved in acts that in legal eye obstructed justice. These things considered, I developed the idea that I had to interview someone I knew personally that was in or around their 50s and had familiarity with the ’68 riots and could either correlate or contrast the two riots. For many kids, this was their first time acting against law enforcement and expressing their qualms in the world with social injustice. With that in mind I knew my father would be best fit for interviewing as he was old enough to see and remember what was going on in ’68 and he could speak on what the youth did from a more mature sense of perspective. I started with a asking about his childhood, he was born in ’58, a much different time in Baltimore. He described being one of few black families in his neighborhood, which is today hardly believable knowing that the city is predominately African American. My father declared that he didn’t necessarily have a feeling of inferiority to the police, but there weren’t officer friendly’s in his neighborhood either. He stated his bias early on in the interview as he said an officer murdered his dog at a young age and his disdain began there. My father stressed over and over again in the interview the importance of hard work. This was something I thought was taking me off track in the questions I originally planned to ask and caused me �HIST 112.001 Aaron Leonard Coleman Oral History Assignment May 17, 2015 Baltimore Riots to begin asking questions almost off the top of my head. In hindsight, critically-thinking I saw that work was something that plagued his life as he was surrounded by it in his father figures and surrounding community coming up, it was something you had to do. He wasn’t born into a family that lived off of social programs. Those programs had been introduced, but reengineered not long before my father was born with Lyndon B. Johnson’s Great Society. With a value of hard work, my father’s disposition on the current state of low-income neighborhoods in Baltimore was and outward perspective but one based on dependence. He felt that depending on and expecting the government to give them something accompanied with the closing of a lot of industry that created jobs for residents made things the way they are. In addition to that having law enforcement being abusive with authority and drugs problems with in the community just all came together to prepare a distasteful recipe. He didn’t want to compare the two riots as he felt the occurrences were on two different platforms. The anger and reasoning all come from the same place though. He began speaking on the economy and how Obama hadn’t been successful while in office, speaking on wanting a republican house to take over and bring industry back to Baltimore. He doesn’t think that will necessarily be the cure all but would surely bring jobs and opportunity to Baltimore. Growing up I knew my father had always been very politically aware. I didn’t know him to be much of a protestor, aside from the Million Family March in 2000, and the Jena Six march in 2006, both of which took place in Washington, DC. He took me with him to both, and has always had me watch CNN and MSNBC to remain aware of things happening in government and other areas of the world. I knew that interviewing him would be kind of like asking questions I had already known the answer to. Composing the interview I tried my best to ask questions that wouldn’t result in one word answers and him telling me that I already know how he feels on the particular situation. I believe it was successful overall, I got to learn some things I didn’t necessarily know about his upbringing and that time period. Also, I got to hear a perspective that I didn’t think was in line with the others I’d been hearing since the �HIST 112.001 Aaron Leonard Coleman Oral History Assignment May 17, 2015 Baltimore Riots rioting had taken place. His answers had a bit of political influence and tied well together in a broader spectrum to paint the picture of why kids were so angry. � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource University of Baltimore Oral History Collection Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Joshua Davis Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Original Format The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data Paper Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Coleman, Baltimore Riots.pdf Description An account of the resource University of Baltimore student Aaron Coleman wrote a paper for his history class regarding the death of Freddie Gray from the perspective of his father Leo Coleman, who grew up in Baltimore during the 1968 Baltimore riots. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Joshua Davis Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Joshua Davis Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource May 17, 2015 Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Aaron Leonard Coleman Freddie Gray interview law enforcement oral history police university of baltimore http://baltimoreuprising2015.org/files/original/e73aa21a5e7bc5e867b859583017d6d1.pdf fbe911cbfe3d61cb64dfbef2f63ba094 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Baltimore City Officials' E-mails and Documents Collection Subject The topic of the resource City E-mails Description An account of the resource Multiple media outlets submitted Maryland Public Information Act requests to Baltimore City Government. As a result, 7,000 emails and other documents from Baltimore City Officials were released to the public. This collection contains all released documents, which were gathered from the websites of the Baltimore Sun and the Baltimore City Paper. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Baltimore City Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Preserve the Baltimore Uprising 2015 Archive Project Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2015-04-28 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Materials in this collection are from a Maryland Public Information Act (MPIA) request made by the Baltimore Sun regarding the actions of Baltimore City officials before, during, and after the unrest on April 27, 2015. Materials were released to the public on July 27, 2015 and may contain redactions. Additional information on the MPIA can be found here: https://www.oag.state.md.us/Opengov/pia.htm Materials in this collection are from a Maryland Public Information Act (MPIA) request made by the Baltimore Sun regarding the actions of Baltimore City officials before, during, and after the unrest on April 27, 2015. Materials were released to the public on July 27, 2015 and may contain redactions. Additional information on the MPIA can be found here: https://www.oag.state.md.us/Opengov/pia.htm Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource application/pdf Language A language of the resource en-us Type The nature or genre of the resource text Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 00744.pdf Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Email on May 1, 2015 From Mayor's Office of Employment Development To Andrew Smullian Subject The topic of the resource Email Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Preserve the Baltimore Uprising 2015 Archive Project Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2015-05-01 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Materials in this collection are from a Maryland Public Information Act (MPIA) request made by the Baltimore Sun regarding the actions of Baltimore City officials before, during, and after the unrest on April 27, 2015. Materials were released to the public on July 27, 2015 and may contain redactions. Additional information on the MPIA can be found here: https://www.oag.state.md.us/Opengov/pia.htm Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource application/pdf Language A language of the resource en-us Type The nature or genre of the resource text Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context 00025.pdf